°ŐžąłŮąôąđťĺĚý“Beyond Presence: Who Shapes Decisions in Global Refugee Governance?”, this piece asks a straightforward but essential question. In a system where everyone now talks about “inclusion,” are refugees actually influencing the decisions that affect their lives, or is their presence mostly symbolic?

The reflection looks honestly at what happened during the Progress Review. While over 250 participants with lived experience attended and the language of partnership was everywhere, the note questions how much has really changed. It asks whether refugees are being brought into the room to speak or to truly shape outcomes.

Using personal stories, honest reflections, and examples of newer research led by refugees and local researchers, the blog asks whether today’s changing research landscape might finally reshape how evidence informs humanitarian action.

Read the blog:

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“These displacements have made the people very vulnerable and especially the men, our most vulnerable people, although when you go to the organization for help they say no, we don’t help men we only help women and ladies, but I’m telling you, our men have become very vulnerable and this has led to GBV in their homes, because now it is the woman who goes out and comes back with food, it’s now the woman who is working and has taken the traditional role of providing for the family, which was a man’s role.” – A quote from a female refugee leader

Displacement in the East African region refers to forced movement of individuals or communities from their homes due to conflict, persecution, natural disasters, climate change, or economic instability. This displacement can be internal (within a country) or across borders (as refugees).

Refugees in Kenya are mostly from Somalia, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo and Ethiopia, communities that have deeply rooted patriarchal systems, as is still much of the region.

Gender dynamics significantly impact refugee leadership in Kenya, both in the camps and in urban areas. These dynamics, influence who leads, how leadership is perceived, and what barriers or opportunities exist for inclusive governance within refugee communities. Therefore, understanding and addressing gender disparities is imperative for advancing equitable participation and effective community representation. Leadership structures in refugee camps and urban settlements are often male dominated, and this extends to refuge-led organizations or camp committees, where women are often given secondary roles, such as secretarial duties rather than being included in the decision-making processes. It is no wonder that programmes have over focused on empowering women, yet, this is causing an imbalance where the development of men and boys is concerned.

Historically, in many societies, women were denied access to formal jobs, land ownership, and were often restricted to domestic roles. Patriarchal systems reinforced male dominance in politics, economy, and social structures, whereas women had limited legal rights and were often seen as dependents of men. In many cultures around the world, women mostly gained voting rights in the 20^th century and presently many societies still lack gender- inclusive policies in governance and economy.

These injustices and discrimination over the years gave rise to feminist advocacy movements that led to the in 1995, which was a turning point for women’s rights worldwide, where countries committed to eliminating gender-based discrimination and promoting equality. The also aims to achieve ‘gender equality’ and empower all women and girls.

In a recent study conducted by LERRN, findings from refugee leaders in Nairobi suggest that gender-focused programming, while crucial, can unintentionally neglect the unique challenges faced by men and boys, particularly in contexts where access to education, employment, and leadership is already constrained. This perceived imbalance can foster resentment, social tension, and even backlash against women’s gains. Gender equality should not be seen as a zero-sum game. A more inclusive and equitable approach requires designing programs that respond to the needs of all genders, ensuring that initiatives are seen as collective gains rather than individual privileges. When both women and men are supported to lead, contribute, and access opportunities, refugee communities are most likely to thrive, with leadership that is representative, collaborative, and sustainable.

In refugee camps, leadership structures often replicate patriarchal norms, with men dominating formal leadership roles whereas in urban settings, informal leadership spaces offer opportunities for women, yet these roles often lack institutional recognition or support. In resource scarce settings, the perception that women’s empowerment equals men’s disempowerment can emerge – not out of resistance to women’s rights, but from feelings of exclusion. This reinforces gender inequality by shifting resentment, not toward the systems that marginalize everyone, but toward the gender that appears to be gaining recognition.

“Jack is a young man who is able to articulate what he does in his community. Jill is not doing the same thing that Jack is doing. But imagine if Jill was doing the same, articulating what she has been doing for all those three decades, and shining the same light to what other women are doing. I think for women, they take what they do very lightly, and they don’t voice it out. They don’t show you; they don’t document it. Because they feel like, “we’re just helping our people.” –  A quote by female refugee leader

** Jack and Jill not real names of leaders. Names changed to protect leaders. **

Women is a lauded move but not at the expense of men and boys, as this creates an imbalanced society, while contradicting the term ‘’. Some men perceive women’s empowerment as a threat rather than a solution which can lead to increased gender-based violence, broken families, and resistance to gender policies. Refugee men and boys who feel economically and socially powerless are prone to depression, alcoholism, and substance abuse and suicide due to lack of purpose. Excluding men from economic and leadership opportunities, leads to family breakdowns because men feeling disempowered and women end up carrying double burdens i.e., working and handling family responsibilities. As traditional male roles shift, men need new identities based on respect, partnership and shared responsibilities. Without guidance, some men turn to aggression, hyper-masculinity, or social withdrawal. When refugee males, especially youth or marginalized sub-groups face barriers to employment, education, and leadership without targeted support, it creates a gap in programming. This absence may lead to social tensions, identity crises, and backlash that hinder the progress of women empowerment efforts.

“Women are already leaders in their community but they are humble/modest about it. I come from a community where men have been weakened because women have been empowered by most of the organizations, many of the project initiatives support mostly women and not men.”  – A quote by male refugee leader

Women empowerment is essential, but excluding men is creating new complications and while the solution is not to stop empowering women and girls but men and boys should be included in the conversation, to ensure that both genders thrive together and not one, at the expense of the other. Addressing gender dynamics in refugee leadership is critical to achieving inclusive and equitable governance in both camp and urban setting in Kenya. Strategic investment, policy reform, and community engagement can foster an environment where all refugees, regardless of gender, can lead and participate meaningfully in shaping their future for a thriving and well-functioning posterity.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Lavender Mboya brings to the East Africa Research Team over eight years of experience in project administration, coordination, and research, with a focus on migration. In her previous work, as a research team leader within a regional consortium, she led studies examining the dynamics, drivers, and implications of mobility, migration, and displacement across the Horn of Africa. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in International Studies from The Open University, United Kingdom.

ABOUT THE STUDY:

To learn more about the study results, please visit: /lerrn/refugee-leadership-in-south-america-and-east-africa/

This blog builds on findings from the LERRN study “The Politics and Process of Refugee Leadership: A Comparative Analysis of Factors Conditioning Refugee Leadership in the Global South”, funded by the Gerda Henkel Foundation. As part of this research, I conducted fieldwork in the Kakuma and Kalobeyei refugee settlements in Kenya to explore the factors that enable or constrain refugee leadership. Using qualitative methods, I gathered data through one focus group discussion with twelve participants, four key informant interviews with representatives from three humanitarian organizations and one government agency involved in refugee protection, and four individual interviews with leaders of Refugee-Led Organizations (RLOs).

Photo Credit: Pascal Zigashane

Most of the refugee leaders I interviewed in Kakuma refugee camp were not leaders in their countries of origin. While in their home countries, the refugee leaders I spoke to throughout the research project were not involved in any leadership roles. One expressed that while in Uganda, “I was involved as a leader in a church function of a group of young people.” Refugees are inspired to take on leadership roles because of the circumstances and gaps in humanitarian services. Refugee leadership is very important to them as they mobilize their communities to collectively respond to their needs.

What motivates refugees to take up leadership roles in Kakuma refugee camp?

Gaps in humanitarian services drive refugees to take on leadership roles. Humanitarian organizations provide assistance to refugees in various sectors such as education, livelihoods, and health care, but they don’t always meet every need. In the implementation of humanitarian services, refugee leaders see gaps and feel motivated to take action to address them. They start initiatives and mobilize communities to fill these gaps. In the education sector, refugee leaders start initiatives to provide afternoon classes to help students perform and get good grades in school. Some of these leaders have established formal schools to address quality education issues. The teacher-student ratio in NGO-run schools reveals a huge gap in the quality of education, with one teacher serving a class of more than 180 students. This leaves some students unattended. Refugee leaders would go the extra mile to mentor those who have completed secondary school and guide them through the process of applying for tertiary scholarships to increase enrollment in tertiary education.

Refugee leaders take initiatives to equally address the needs of those who don’t have secondary education and those who can’t enter tertiary education due to poor performance in the national exam. Refugee leaders take the initiative to develop vocational training to equip their fellow refugees with various skills that will enable them to participate in the informal economy. Throughout the implementation of these initiatives, refugee leaders demonstrate solidarity with their communities. Refugees will mobilize resources to provide their peers with tools to engage in entrepreneurial activities to achieve self-sufficiency. They build infrastructure where their community members can access services and support.

Most of the female refugee leaders who participated in the research are motivated to take on leadership roles in order to change cultural norms. During the interview, the Executive Director of the She Can Initiative expressed her drive to establish the initiative to support young girls who have long been denied equal status with men in society by their culture. In some cultures, young girls are married off before the age of 18 and have no say in family decisions. They drop out of school to start a family at an early age. Some refugee women who have taken on leadership roles have initiatives that empower women, drive change and influence cultural norms that affect women. They address cultural issues and advocate for women’s rights. As part of their support for young girls, they provide training on sexual and reproductive health and rights. Refugee-led, women-owned organizations empower young girls to make their own sexual choices.

Roles and Responsibilities of refugee leaders

Refugee leadership is crucial for their role in speaking out about refugee issues. Refugee leaders are advocates for refugee issues. Through advocacy, refugee leaders become the voices of voiceless refugees and raise awareness of systemic issues. Leaders advocate for changes to gaps in services provided by humanitarian organizations. They advocate for refugee education, economic inclusion, health care, livelihoods, safety, employment, and identification documents. Through advocacy, refugee leaders speak out about the harassment and arbitrary arrests their communities experience at the hands of authorities and security officials. They use structurally available platforms and social media to make the voices of their community heard.

Despite limited access to resources, refugee leaders play a very important role in mobilizing their community members to collectively respond to the issues that affect them. Refugee leaders mobilize their communities to protest humanitarian interventions that affect them. In the recent protests in the Kakuma and Kalobeyei settlements, refugees protested the lack of access to clean water, cuts in World Food Program food rations, and insecurity. When refugee voices are not heard, leaders mobilize their community members to protest at the UNHCR sub office in Kakuma to make their voices heard. Refugee leaders also play the role of peacemakers. Kakuma refugee camp has experienced recurrent ethnic conflict, which has caused loss of life in the affected communities and sometimes escalated to their countries of origin, such as South Sudan. Formal leaders, those elected to represent and lead their communities, and ethnic leaders work together to bring peace and de-escalate conflict.

Challenges that refugee leaders face in demonstrating leadership

There are platforms for policy discussions, but refugee leaders face limited participation in these spaces. A few refugee leaders are invited to local and national meetings, but their voices are often ignored in decision-making processes. Refugee leaders who are invited to these platforms are often invited based on the interest of the organizer. Meaningful refugee participation is hindered by tokenism. According to the research findings, tokenism makes the participation of refugee leaders in decision-making very superficial, where their voices matter because they serve the interests of those who brought them. The other challenge that refugee leaders face that prevents them from exercising leadership is the delay in obtaining identification documents. This prevents them from attending important meetings outside their localities. Without proper documentation, they face restrictions on movement and limited access to services.

Conclusion

Most of the refugee leaders in Kakuma camp had no leadership experience in their countries of origin, but while in the camp, they took on leadership roles to address gaps in humanitarian services. They also demonstrate leadership in advocating for communities to influence change in the areas of education, health, economic inclusion, livelihoods, and security. Their efforts address not only humanitarian gaps but also harmful cultural norms in their communities including those that deny women’s right to sexual autonomy and reproductive health. Refugee leaders mobilize their communities to respond to these issues and protest policies that do not effectively address their needs. Despite the important role refugee leaders play, they face significant challenges in having their voices heard in decision-making. They also experience limited participation in forums due to delays in accessing identification documents. Often, their involvement is reduced to tokenism, keeping their participation in decision-making superficial.

‘Wisdom does not reside in the head of one’ – Ghanaian Proverb

The Local Engagement Refugee Research Network (LERRN) course on fieldwork training and cross-cultural research course has been an enlightening experience for me, the module content of the course was well-thought-out and put together to increase my understanding of doing research with refugee and minority groups. The discussions were rich and diverse, and drawing on the experiences of my colleagues gave me a bird’s eye view of research methodologies and strategies for doing refugee research from many perspectives. The time with the lecturers on Zoom also was superb as we got to probe further and receive insight into pressing questions amidst a fruitful intellectual dialogue. While the topics in this course were very interesting and engaging, one that stood out for me was knowledge mobilization. In the ensuing paragraphs, I will delve more into the subject matter.

My opening proverb clearly explains the essence of engaging a broader community of people in acquiring knowledge since everyone has some wisdom, lessons, or experience to share. Knowledge evolves across time and space, and this is why knowledge mobilization cannot be limited to one method or approach. This course presented us with so many avenues for gathering information: interviews, focus group discussions, life history research, oral history and archival documents, surveys, and community-based research. These are incredible ways of gathering data and knowledge for all manners of academic work, suffice to say each method comes with its benefits and challenges. Many academics recommend the use of a combination of these methods in any research study to ensure the complementarity of methods and to achieve more robust findings.

My curiosity was heightened during the final discussions as we looked at ways of disseminating knowledge or sharing the outcome of our research work. As you would have it, dissemination workshops top the list, with many other formats like policy briefs, blogs, peer-reviewed journals, and quite recently the use of social media apps like Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and Instagram among others. These mediums have been of great significance in knowledge dissemination. Recently, the use of social media has been a game changer for the academic community with many research projects having their social media platforms (for instance: @MIDEQHub, MigrationRPC all on X). These groups have built an online community over the years keeping them up to date on any new developments regarding their ongoing research work. With such platforms, it is easier to reach a wider audience and engage more with a broader group of people across a different spectrum, which has made sharing research findings a lot easier and more accessible to people.

However, apart from using social media platforms, there is a need to adopt other strategies for presenting research findings in a way that is suitable to both academic and non-academic communities alike. For example, the use of artistic impressions can tell stories of research findings that can easily resonate with audiences who may not be able to read and understand a lot of the academic terminology. These can be done through storytelling, music, and arts among others. For instance, in Ghana, storytelling, music, and dance have been among the notable forms of knowledge production and distribution for time immemorial. Although usage of these ways to communicate have not been fully explored in many academic fields, I believe there are enormous benefits that can be achieved through such avenues. We have become overly ‘booklong’[1] in our knowledge dissemination.

I think it is time for scholars to go back to their roots and adopt more indigenous methods of knowledge distribution rather than the seeming ‘overreliance on books’. While I do not discount the essentiality of books, I believe the goal of every research is to generate a body of knowledge to bring about an evidence-informed policy. This purpose will truly be achieved through engaging in transdisciplinary collaboration in doing research and through presenting research findings in a way that people can understand what has been done.

This strategy has been effectively used by the in partnership with in presenting their research findings in animation stories and relatable content in some of their research hubs. This approach enables research participants to appreciate their inputs in the study and gives a better comprehension of research findings to a wider community both in academic and non-academic fields, especially to those who may not be familiar with some academic terminology. dubbed the migration story also gives an overview of the whole Mideq project.

This project was documented in this way to enable all to understand the concept of migration and how it transcends boundaries. Again, in at the inception of the project, the MIDEQ team uses a dance portrayal called Lungulugu/Kpormi to explain the concept of migration and the impacts of migration on different populations, with a focus on emotions and the effects of migration. also showcase the experience of a Nepalese migrant in Malaysia. These experiences, although they have been documented in books, evoke a different feeling and understanding when communicated through this animated story.

In Ghana, the IOM as their National Goodwill ambassador to drive home their message of safe migration. IOM Ghana has been doing incredibly well in their campaign for regular and safe migration, but with the addition of this musician as an ambassador, their message has reached a wider audience. His songs address issues of irregular migration, the struggles of migrants, the unrealistic expectations of the family back home, and other pressing issues in migration.

I think it is time for the academic community to look at broader spaces for collaboration in disseminating research findings and telling their stories in other impactful ways, utilizing new forms of technology and media. I believe the goal of every research is to initiate or drive change and I am convinced this can happen when the research findings are well communicated to the right policy makers and research stakeholders.

[1] A Ghanaian term like ‘bookish’, but often expressed to mean someone who doesn’t practicalize knowledge.

The traditional methods of knowledge dissemination in forced migration research, while valuable, often fail to reach populations that are outside of scholarly or policy-oriented circles. To address this gap, innovative approaches such as video games and children’s books have emerged, offering novel ways of sharing information and powerful tools for building empathy and driving social action. This reflection critically analyzes the potential of these untraditional forms of knowledge dissemination, arguing that they can foster a deeper understanding and contribute to tangible impacts from research into forced migration. Additionally, it explores how forced migration research can inform and enhance these methods, ensuring their effectiveness and authenticity.

Video Games to Build Empathy: Gamification of the Refugee Experience

The immersive and interactive nature of video games makes them an effective tool for empathy-building in forced migration research. Unlike passive forms of media, video games engage players actively, requiring them to make decisions and face consequences within the game’s narrative. This interactivity can lead to a more profound understanding of the refugee experience, as the player experiences a simulated journey and virtual reality. The video game “” stands out as an example of how gamification can bridge the gap between virtual experiences and real-world impacts. Players navigate a virtual displacement journey that mirrors the harrowing realities faced by refugees. This immersive experience allows players to gain a sense of the challenges people face when running for safety. In-app purchases within the game translate to actual financial support for refugees, such as providing food and water (World Economic Forum, 2020). This model not only raises awareness but also mobilizes resources, demonstrating that video games can be a powerful medium for both education and humanitarian action. By engaging players emotionally and financially, “Salaam” exemplifies how video games can transcend passive entertainment to become tools for empathy and tangible impact.

Reflecting on this game, I am inspired by the potential of video games to create meaningful change and build empathy for displaced communities. The ability of “Salaam” to emotionally connect players with real-world issues and to enable players to contribute financially highlights the transformative power of interactive media. This approach resonates with my values of advancing a positive discourse on forced migration within diverse communities. It underscores the crucial role of innovative and empathetic tools in effectively addressing complex social issues.

Lual Mayen, the creator of the “Salaam” game, is a South Sudanese refugee himself. Mayen developed the game, serving as an empowering example of a creator emerging from the community he aims to help. His work underscores the importance of recognizing the firsthand experiences and leadership of refugees in forced migration, challenging power dynamics whereby refugees are subjects for data extraction or symbols of tokenization.

As a PhD student researching forced migration and gender, I see the significant influence that our research can have on the design and content of such interactive games. Methods like ethnography, life histories, fieldwork, participatory action research, and narrative analysis can provide accurate accounts and detailed insights into refugee experiences. Grounding video game content in real-life stories ensures that the depicted experiences are authentic, avoids stereotypes, and promotes trauma-informed design (Gee, 2003). This collaboration educates wider communities and respects the lived experiences of refugees.

Children’s and Young Adult Books on the Refugee Experience

Children’s and young adult books offer another untraditional yet potent form of knowledge dissemination. With an opportunity to co-produce such stories with the leadership of authors and illustrators who have experienced forced migration, children’s books can serve a dual purpose: educating young readers about the realities of forced migration while also fostering empathy and understanding for groups outside of an academic circle. The argument here is that literature can play a crucial role in shaping the perspectives of future generations, making them more compassionate and informed about global issues (Nikolajeva, 2014).

Children’s books like “Refugee” by Alan Gratz and “The Journey” by Francesca Sanna provide compelling narratives that draw young readers into the lives of displaced children and their families. These stories humanize the abstract concept of forced migration, presenting it through relatable characters and engaging plots. By seeing the world through the eyes of refugee children, young readers can develop a deeper emotional connection to their experiences (Sipe, 2008).

Forced migration research conducted under ethics board approval helps ensure that data related to personal narratives and cultural insights is gathered ethically, safely, and respectfully. This ethical oversight safeguards the dignity and rights of the individuals whose stories are shared. By integrating these ethically sourced, real-life stories and nuanced insights into engaging narratives, we can enrich the literary landscape. These stories can ensure that children’s books accurately portray the diverse backgrounds and experiences of refugees, enriching the narrative and fostering a deeper understanding among young readers (Short, 2012).

Reflecting on the intersection of children’s and young adult literature with the refugee experience, I am struck by the profound potential these narratives hold for social change. My studies in forced migration and feminist studies have underscored the importance of storytelling in fostering understanding and empathy. Co-producing books with authors who have firsthand experience of forced migration not only lends authenticity to these stories but also elevates the voices of those directly impacted. This approach can bridge the gap between academic knowledge and public consciousness, reaching young readers in a uniquely impactful way. As I consider the power of literature, I am interested in the possibility of nurturing a generation that is more informed and, perhaps consequently, more compassionate. Ultimately, these efforts contribute to fostering a more empathetic and less xenophobic society.

In Closing…

Forced migration research plays a critical role in shaping and enhancing these untraditional forms of dissemination. By providing accurate data, authentic stories, and nuanced cultural insights, research can inform and improve the design and content of video games and children’s books. Furthermore, researchers can empower refugee voices, ensure ethical representation, and create impactful multimedia and community-engaged dissemination strategies.

Untraditional forms of knowledge dissemination such as video games and children’s books not only offer innovative ways to share information, but also have the potential to build empathy and drive tangible impacts in forced migration research. These methods engage diverse audiences outside of academia, fostering a wider understanding of the refugee experience and mobilizing support for displaced individuals.

Embracing untraditional forms of knowledge dissemination in forced migration research has profoundly influenced my perspective on how we share and communicate critical issues. The Local Engagement Refugee Research Network (LERRN) Fieldwork Training and Cross-Cultural Research Course has been instrumental in shaping this understanding. Working at the intersection of academia and practical application, video games and children’s books are two mediums that transcend traditional methods of dissemination, reaching audiences who might not engage with scholarly articles or reports. By integrating authentic stories and cultural insights from my research, I am interested in how innovative approaches can humanize the refugee experience and foster a deep sense of empathy and understanding. This course reinforced my commitment to amplifying refugee voices and ensuring that their narratives drive meaningful and lasting change. As we push the boundaries of knowledge dissemination, I aim to enhance its accessibility to diverse populations, both within and outside academia.

Author bio

Kimiya Missaghi is a PhD student at the Institute of Feminist and Gender Studies at the University of Ottawa, where she researches forced migration and gender among Afghan refugees in transit. She also leads UX research at PeaceGeeks, focusing on developing digital tools that enhance connection, peace, and safety for displaced individuals.

References

Gee, J. P. (2003). What Video Games Have to Teach Us ĐÓ°ÉÔ­´´ Learning and Literacy. Palgrave Macmillan.

Nikolajeva, M. (2014). Reading for Learning: Cognitive Approaches to Children’s Literature. John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Short, K. G. (2012). Story as World Making. Language Arts, 90(1), 9-17.

Sipe, L. R. (2008). Storytime: Young Children’s Literary Understanding in the Classroom. Teachers College Press.

World Economic Forum. (2020). This video game lets you step inside the shoes of a refugee. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/02/can-a-video-game-save-a-life-african-refugee-puts-players-in-his-race-for-survival/

Knowledge production in the realm of forced migration is not immune to the influence of power structures and geopolitical interests, which can shape research funding, areas of focus, specific topics, objectives, and outcomes (as discussed in James Milner’s LERRN course lecture “Introducing LERRN & Principles of Partnered Research”). Therefore, it is imperative to adopt a critical lens to scrutinize and delve into the asymmetrical power relations and the researcher’s positionality throughout the entire process. This approach can lead to the development of academic practices that challenge the construction of ‘traditional’ knowledge that subtly operates a colonial pressure for extracting, codifying and commodifying displaced people’s experiences. Moreover, it opens the door for research partnerships that encompass and foster collaboration between the so-called Global South-North, particularly with individuals and communities experiencing forced displacement. In this context, training future researchers to recognize their positions of privilege, question their own practices, and identify the oppressive structures – such as gender, age, nationality, economic status, sexual orientation, geographical location, language, and race, among others – that enable them to position themselves as social scientists, is a significant step towards more critical, compassionate, inclusive, and ethical academic exercises.

The researcher must be aligned with ethical considerations to preserve academic and professional rigor, as well as procedural and relational principles (as discussed in Christina Clark-Kazak’s LERRN course lecture “Ethics Across Borders”). Regardless of the international guidelines about privacy, confidentiality and the principle of do not harm, it is impossible to deny the power imbalances and unequal power relations among the lead researcher and the rest of the team collaborating on the project. A typical scenario that exemplifies a power imbalance is related to the privilege and access to assets of researchers coming from the Global North to conduct research on Global South contexts of marginalization, discrimination and positioned vulnerability, where resources may be scarce, as discussed in Christina Clark-Kazak’s .[1] In this sense, it is crucial to acknowledge the importance and influence of the researcher’s positionality. There are some initial thoughts to unveil at the first glimpse. First, who is conducting the research in relation to race, nationality, class, age, and gender? Other essential aspects to reflect upon are the researcher’s professional affiliations and the organizations funding the project. Furthermore, as Clark-Kazak discussed in the LERRN course, it is important to think about how other people perceive the research and the presence of the researcher in the community.

In the case of qualitative research in migration studies, the researcher’s positionality influences the entire process because the project involves decision-making processes, perceptions, expectations, feelings, and behaviors from the people collaborating[2] and pursuing the research, as explained by . The (un)intended elements that construct the researcher’s identity – academic background, age, gender, nationality, economic status, and so on – are in constant and permanent interaction and negotiation with oppressive structures (such as racism, neoliberalism, and classism, among others) to allow them to position themselves as lead researcher. Even though the elements related to their identities may not be an individual choice, they impact the social position and, in most cases, the researcher’s privilege. In this sense, it is possible to use an inquiring lens towards the research/researcher. Therefore, following a feminist and post-colonial discourse, intersectionality, , seems to be a helpful analytical tool to reflect on the practitioner’s position.

Since the 1990s, intersectionality has been deployed in social sciences to identify and understand how personal identities – age, race, gender, among others – intersect and interact with oppressive systems and institutions like poverty, racism, and discrimination, and how these intersections impact people’s personal unique experiences.[3] Accordingly, intersectionality is more than just a theoretical tool to analyze individuals and social structures from the researcher’s point of view. It can also be a transformative tool for a practitioner’s self-assessment and reflection towards their positionality. It allows deep questioning about how personal and (un)intentional parts of their identity influence their research and how the information presented is partial because it is biased by positionality.

research has appealed to the use of “intersectional positionality”[4] to recognize the ways in which gender, ethnicity, and class come into play within the structure. Nonetheless, the concept’s core is rooted in the notion that researchers and participants maintain a dynamic relationship process regarding positionality. It recognizes the intervention and importance of emotions when conducting research. In this sense, people are more than just analytical categories; the focus is on relationships and the connection between researchers and collaborators. Acknowledging these interactions, vulnerability, and the emotions arising and changing throughout the research will offer researchers a permanent opportunity to question their own biases and goals in pursuing the projects.

Inquiring about positionality requires a personal effort and constant reflexive exercise. It goes away from the idea of scientific production being neutral and objective and instead recognizes how the researcher’s identities impact outcomes. From a critical perspective, the researcher’s identities determine their positionality and privilege in negotiation with oppressive structures. At the same time, academic research in social sciences is part of a continuum of negotiations between the researcher and people collaborating on the project. Therefore, the researcher’s positionality is also dynamic. Using intersectional frames to think about the position of the research and the researcher is an action towards social justice. It is an exercise to challenge and avoid colonialism’s extractivist knowledge production. It can attempt to make the knowledge useful and meaningful for the people and communities collaborating on the project. Awareness of positionality and the role of the researcher’s identities will not erase the power imbalances within academic contexts. However, it is a crucial advance in critical and modern knowledge creation that scrutinizes the researchers to make research available and accessible for participatory action.

Author bio:

Erasmus Mundus’ European Master in Migration and Intercultural Relations (EMMIR) student at Oldenburg University, University of Stavanger and Wits University. Interested in forced migration research and refugee studies, Gender-Based Violence and protection and integration initiatives.

[1] Clark-Kazak, C. (2019). Developing Ethical Guidelines for Research. Forced Migration Review, 61, 12– 14.

[2] Moralli, M. (2024). Research as Care: Positionality and Reflexivity in Qualitative Migration Research. Qualitative Research, 24(3), 459–770.

[3] Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299.

[4] Moralli, M. (2024). Research as Care: Positionality and Reflexivity in Qualitative Migration Research.

In this blog post, I will reflect on conducting community-based participatory research (CBPR) with forced migrants as an emerging researcher in the early stages of her PhD career. I will combine some of the insights gleaned from the topic with the overall ethical considerations of community-based research.

My research will examine alternative pathways to forced migration policies and laws, particularly looking at the Canadian context and the current narratives and discourses of governance, belonging, exclusion, and societal responsibility. Specifically, it will examine the importance of grassroots movements, efforts by civil society organizations, mobilization and advocacy efforts, and lessons from diverse experiences and scholars who are on the ground working towards providing effective solutions for asylum seekers, forced migrants, and displaced people. I argue that these groups and movements are not separate from our political and legal institutions; we should examine their practices and seriously consider their implications in shaping current policies and laws. These groups can provide an avenue to decenter forced migration from the hegemony of the current refugee protection regime and the authority of the nation-states while applying alternative frameworks to refugee protection.

Furthermore, engaging with community and civil society organizations also recognizes that forced migrants and asylum seekers have the agency to determine policy and legal structures that affect them. This recognition also broadens the understanding of what constitutes “political space” beyond the formally recognized decision-making spheres. Thus, my doctoral research project seeks to unpack the current state of bordering and migration policies and laws in the Canadian context, adding to the existing literature. Importantly, it also aims to offer a new analysis and approach to responsibility, engagement, and governance within forced migration and bordering practices and protection that involves the society, the general population, and migrants.

To achieve this, I proposed a multi-methodological approach that includes Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Community-Based Participatory Research (CBPR). CDA would provide a proper understanding of the scholarly discourses, as well as the power relations that are present in the sociolegal context of migration and bordering. CBPR, I believe, would work well with CDA in that it has the potential to make substantial contributions to the community where the research is taking place (striving towards social change) and it allows the participants of the research to engage and participate with the knowledge production and dissemination (Filler et. al. 2021; Lenette 2022).

CBPR is a collaborative form of research that integrates social science research with participant action and agency (Yanay & Battle 2020; Lenette 2022). CBPR is participant-centred, is made by the participants of the research, and exists because of the position of the subjects in the community (Starodub 2018). Additionally, as per Dr. Christina Clark-Kazak, Participatory Action Research and other community-based research projects involve being invited into a space to conduct research based on what the community wants or needs to research. CBPR has its benefits; it would allow for a deeper understanding of the issues within the community and enhance capacity-building opportunities for the participants (Filler et. al., 2021; Lenette, 2022). Additionally, CBPR addresses the power relations between the researcher and the participants, putting me (the researcher) within the community and pushing forward my research subjects. As a large part of my research focuses on alternative pathways to protection and how to dismantle the hegemony of nation-state intervention, I believe CBPR would allow my research participants to reimagine themselves and their futures, and it would also recognize their agency to provide strategies for themselves.

However, this kind of research has its difficulties. First, CBPR does not follow the typical academic trajectory because it is a developing methodological strategy (Starodub 2018). The point of CBPR is to tease out the personal experiences, issues, and problems of the community and participants who drive the research (Starodub 2018). Thus, pre-determining a set strategy is difficult before beginning the actual research. This is an issue, particularly with conducting a CBPR within doctoral studies, where it is almost impossible to do a pure CBPR in the PhD program due to its program and academic requirements.

Second, I think my biggest concern lies in the fact that I am early in my career as a researcher, so I have not had much experience working with the community with whom I am researching, or many experiences with interviews or action research. The additional resources by Jacquez et al. (2021), Ellis et al. (2007), and MacDonnell et al. (2017) all provide valuable insights into how to ethically conduct CBPR. However, once again, these are established scholars in their field who have been conducting research with the community for a while. My biggest hurdle will be balancing trying to finish the PhD as per the requirements of the degree, while still cultivating relationships; being reflexive in terms of positionality, power dynamics, and hierarchies; and trying to produce work that will help the community without reinforcing harmful structures.

There seems to be more of a trend towards CBPR in the last couple of years, particularly because it allows researchers to engage with the community and produce research that would directly benefit them. However, at various times throughout the course, we discussed the ethics of researching vulnerable populations. Specifically, as per Atern et al. (2021), several ethical concerns arise from CBPR, including assuming or reinforcing Western and euro-centric ideologies, differentiating hierarchies, and disparities in outcomes. The insights from Dr. Clark-Kazak and Dr. Nimo Bokore were extremely valuable and helped me deconstruct the idea of CBPR I had before taking this course. As per their suggestions, I will attempt to adjust my methodology so that I can still do CBPR, as I believe it is still an important strategy that strives to ethically conduct research with forced migrants. However, I have realized that I have a lot of work that I need to do before I embark on my research journey.

The LERRN course was just the beginning of my journey. I now plan on reading about my research methodology to explore the various ways CBPR has been used in forced migration research and in other fields, what lessons were learned by other researchers, and what insights they can provide on conducting CBPR as an early career researcher during their PhD. In this way, I think it is valuable to reflexively think about the methodology researchers use as part of their study. We need to consider whether the chosen methodology is chosen because we think and believe it will benefit the participants and community versus its actual impact. These are questions and concerns that I think I will grapple with throughout my PhD career, but they are good and tough questions that I think all researchers need to face. Eventually, via my exploration, I may find that doing CBPR could be doing more harm than good to my participants due to my positionality and the power dynamics. That is something with which I need to contend and accept, while still striving to find ways to better the policies and laws for the community.

Author bio:

Deepa Nagari is a 2nd-year PhD student at York University’s Socio-Legal studies focusing on alternative pathways to protection for forced migrants and refugees in the Canadian context; she also works as a Research Assistant for CERC Migration at TMU.

Reference List

Atem, A., Bajraktarevic-Hayward, J., Nguyen, D., Al Kalmashi, R., Hanna, B., Higgins, M.,

Lenette, C., Milne, E. J., Nunn, C., & Gardner, J. (2021). Ethics and community-based participatory research (CBPR) with people from refugee backgrounds: Key ethical concerns and principles for CBPR practice. UNSW Sydney, STARTTS NSW. Coventry University, Manchester Metropolitan University.

Ellis, B., H., Kia-Keating, M., Yusuf, A. S., Lincoln, A., & Nur, A. (2007). Ethical Research in Refugee Communities and the Use of Community Participatory Methods. Transcultural Psychiatry 44(3), 459–481.

Filler, T., Benipal, K. P., Torabi, N., Minhas, S. R. (2021). A chair at the table: a scoping review of the participation of refugees in community- based participatory research in healthcare. Globalization and Health, 17(1), 103-113. .

Jacquez, F., Dutt, A., Manirambona, E., & Wright, B. (2021). Uniting Liberatory and Participatory Approaches in Public Psychology With Refugees. American Psychologist 76(8), 1280–1292.

Lenette, C. (2022). Participatory Action Research: Ethics and Decolonization. Oxford University Press.

MacDonnell, J. A., Dastjerdi, M., Bokore, N., Tharao, W., Nazilla, K., & Njoroge, W. (2017). Finding a Space for Me Outside the Stereotypes’: Community Engagement in Policy and Research to Foster Canadian Racialised Immigrant Women’s Mental Health and Well-Being. International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction 15(4), 738–752.

Starodub, A. (2019). Horizontal Participatory Action Research: Refugee Solidarity in the Border Zone. Area 51 (1), 166-173.

Yanay, H. & Battle, J. (2021). Refugee Higher Education & Participatory Action Research Methods: Lessons Learned From the Field. Radical Teacher, 120, 50-60. .

The Syrian civil war, which started in 2011 and spread rapidly, has created a major refugee crisis in the region affecting mainly TĂźrkiye, Lebanon and Jordan. While the Syrian refugee crisis in TĂźrkiye is in its 13th year, it has evolved to different dimensions than when it started. It has ceased to be a “temporary crisis” and continues negatively with its permanent effects. As the war lasted longer than expected, TĂźrkiye is still unable to determine the status and future of the refugees, bureaucracy is mostly inefficient, unemployment rates and poor living conditions are worsening day to day, and it can be said that . The integration of Syrian refugees, some of whom have lived in TĂźrkiye for 13 years, also has not been achieved.

According to the information provided by the Turkish government, TĂźrkiye continues to in 2024. According to data from the International Organization for Migration, a number of represents all refugees in TĂźrkiye. With this high number of refugees, it was inevitable that TĂźrkiye would become the study target of many researchers on refugee-related issues. However, some problems began to emerge in these studies. This blog post presents some of the main obstacles to conducting field research with Syrian refugees in TĂźrkiye.

Psychological traumas

First of all, one of the main difficulties in conducting research on forced migrants is that many of them are highly traumatized. in many Syrians who escaped from war and armed conflict, witnessed a murder, or lost a family member. It seems that the emotional state of many of them did not improve after settling in TĂźrkiye, especially due to the camp conditions and the struggle to survive after leaving the camp. Some of the Syrian refugees in TĂźrkiye also had physical harms. It will be difficult to conduct research with them because they did not fully regain their health, and there is a high probability of secondary trauma for researchers.

Distrust in the society

Another important challenge of conducting research with Syrian refugees in TĂźrkiye is the decrease in the sense of trust due to the deepening problems between Turkish and Syrian communities. There are two main reasons for the decrease in trust between them. The first one is the economic crisis. With the increase in the number of refugees, Syrians are perceived as the burden in the society. While people are suffering from economic difficulties due to high inflation rates, they also react to the high spending on refugees from the national budget. The second important reason for the increase in distrust is the issue of socio-cultural differences, which has begun to become more evident as the refugee problem has lasted for a long time and is now understood to be permanent. It has been claimed that Syrians did not adapt to society and that their continued stay in TĂźrkiye would disrupt the order of Turkish society. . This trust problem, which causes concern on both sides, also makes field conditions difficult for researchers.

Fear of being deported

For many Syrians who are still in “temporary protection status” and do not have permanent residence, the anxiety of being sent back to Syria may be preventing them from participating in some research. The increasing number of Syrians sent from Türkiye due to reasons such as their involvement in crime, work outside the places where they have work permits, or expired residence periods has .

Language problems

One of the biggest problems in field research is the language barrier between the researcher and the participant. If a common language is not spoken and communication is established through an interpreter, there is potential for more communication challenges. The number of Syrians in TĂźrkiye who speak Turkish and English is still very small, and the number of Turks who speak Arabic is quite low.

The tendency of politicians to use refugees according to internal dynamics

The issue of the refugee population and what will happen to them in the future is one of the most discussed issues among politicians in TĂźrkiye. It is discussed that refugees, who are seen as both a social and economic burden, will be sent back or will continue to stay as guests, . For example, before the last general election held in May 2023, it was said that refugees would stay as guests, but just before the election, by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan that hosting had come to an end and that they would be sent back safely. The changing political preferences for hosting or repatriating refugees may cause concerns for researchers.

Presence of unregistered refugees

Finally, in TĂźrkiye there are unregistered refugees alongside registered refugees. The presence of unregistered refugees and the fact that their numbers are estimated to be quite high may pose security problems for researchers.

Conclusion

As a result of the challenges described above, it will be very difficult for many researchers to conduct research in the context of TĂźrkiye. The purpose of research should not only be to collect information; people must be convinced that this information will be used for their benefit as well. In order for the research to be effective in this context, the difficulties that have arisen for the Syrian refugee population and for the Turkish host community should be taken into account without blaming either community.

Author bio:

Nur is a PhD student at ĐÓ°ÉÔ­´´ University, Department of Political Science and Junior Research Fellow at the Canadian Institute for Far Right Studies.